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By Enam Al-Wer, Rudolf de Jong

ISBN-10: 9004172122

ISBN-13: 9789004172128

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Additional info for Arabic Dialectology: in Honour of Clive Holes on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday (Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics, V. 53)

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Warga ‘leaf’, warqa ‘piece of paper’; gubba ‘room’, qubba ‘dome’. , fatig ‘rip, tear’, fatiq ‘hernia’. , xaldangūl ‘let’s say’ (Blanc 1964:116). from qǝltu to gǝlǝt 21 function (Blanc 1964:116; Mansour 2006:239), while the present and non-contingency markers in them are JB qad-/qa- and CB qa- (Blanc 1964:115; Abu-Haidar 1991:88; Mansour 2006:239). Apart from MB there are no Muslim dialects in the Mesopotamian dialect area which use the present marker da-; consequently, the feature has to be regarded as an inherited MB qǝltu trait.

This indicates that it is, or has been, a more or less restricted local feature. Since the form and function in JB and CB are identical with MB, the possibility that it in MB is a feature borrowed from JB or CB cannot be definitely excluded. However, as dialect shifts as a rule tend to move in the direction of the prestigious variant, this development is unlikely. Therefore the plausible conclusion is that in MB this is a trait inherited from medieval MB qǝltu. 5. Marking the Definite Direct Object of a Verb with an Anticipatory Pronominal Suffix + a Proclitic lExamples: bāʿa lil-bēt ‘he sold the house’, ma-aḥibba l-hāḏa ‘I don’t like him’ (Feghali 1928:362-363; Blanc 1964:128; Malaika 1963:63; Erwin 1963:332; Abu-Haidar 2006a:230-231).

8 Diagram 1. 9 I assume that the changes to v and z were roughly at the same time, as they 8 Note that there is no need here to cite Classical Arabic ð as justification of an original proto-Arabic *ð. This follows, I believe by inspection, from the reflexes of the forms in present-day Arabic (roughly, stage 4). Of course, it is relevant that Classical Arabic (ð) does not contradict this reconstruction. 9 Or, Arabic acquired speakers who substituted for *ð. It cannot be ruled out that the merger of *ð with d in some dialects of Arabic wasn’t due in part to sub- or adstratal influence from Aramaic.

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Arabic Dialectology: in Honour of Clive Holes on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday (Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics, V. 53) by Enam Al-Wer, Rudolf de Jong


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